Opposition parties argue that this concept is unconstitutional or a well-thought-out strategy to curtail the influence of regional parties through the ONOE initiative. As a BJP MP, how do you respond to this claim?I must emphasise that the JPC’s task is to objectively evaluate all aspects of the proposal, including such concerns. However, I personally believe that these claims lack merit. Indian voters have repeatedly demonstrated their ability to differentiate between national and state-level issues. For example, in Maharashtra’s Hazoor Sahib Constituency, the Congress won the Lok Sabha seat while losing all the assembly segments in the same region during simultaneous elections.This reflects the maturity of India’s electorate.From a constitutional perspective, ONOE is well within the bounds of adaptability. The Constitution allows amendments to Articles 82, 83, 172, 327, and others to synchronise election cycles without compromising democratic or federal principles. ONOE aims not to marginalise any political entity but to enhance efficiency and focus on the electoral process.You are widely regarded as one of the leading legal experts in constitutional law. Do you believe that the implementation of ONOE is feasible within the current framework of the Constitution?I am of the studied view that it aligns with the Constitution’s inherent flexibility. Implementing ONOE may require amendments to Articles 83, 85, 172, and others, but these changes focus on procedural synchronisation rather than altering the federal structure.What are the main objectives of the JPC in exploring the ONOE concept and ensuring that it aligns with constitutional principles and expert opinions?As laid out in the parliamentary resolution, the JPC’s primary objective is to evaluate the two Bills. The complexity of the subject necessitates thorough consultations and detailed deliberations. The committee’s role is to ensure its recommendations are grounded in constitutional principles, expert opinions, and stakeholders’ collective will.
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