By Express News Service
Sitaram Yechury (70), the General Secretary of the CPM, in a conversation with K. Vaidyanathan, TNIE, speaks on a range of issues that confront the nation, polity, and his party.
Excerpts:
How do you look at the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) quota verdict of the Supreme Court?There is nothing secret about our stand on the EWS issue. Caste alone should not be the criteria. There should also be an economic criterion attached to it. We tried and implemented it in Kerala. At that time, we were the only party who said this, and we were thoroughly isolated, including within the Left parties. Only the Supreme Court came to our rescue by defining the creamy layer. So they brought in the economic aspect by defining the creamy layer.
What is your feedback about Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra?It has definitely helped the Congress to strengthen its links with the sections of people. It is also giving some response to them which is good. People can be mobilised in a proper manner. But after that how much of this response actually gets realised through an organisational consolidation is what is important. We will have to wait and see.
What do you make out from the results of the two Assembly elections and the number of by-elections that took place in various states?The results didn’t surprise me. Wherever there is a considerable Muslim population, the BJP has successfully created a communal narrative to its advantage. In Gujarat, for instance, I see the BJP victory as a consolidation of Hindu votes, which is not a desirable development. In Himachal, where the Muslims are negligible in number, the BJP has not been able to retain power.
After the victory at Mainpuri and Khatauli, will the SP-RLD alliance be willing to accommodate other parties such as the Congress and Leftists?The problem in Uttar Pradesh is the unwillingness of the non-BJP parties to find a common ground to come together and fight communal forces. It is not just accommodating the Congress and the Leftists by the SP-RLD combine alone that matters. The BSP and other secular forces should also be roped in to take on the BJP. That’s not happening in UP.
Do you expect the Opposition to project a common prime ministerial candidate for 2024?It is very much unlikely because it is difficult to unite all the non-BJP parties under one umbrella. I agree it’s a disadvantage. But with so many regional forces and some of them considering the Congress their opponent, a common PM candidate may not be possible.
How do you expect an Opposition alliance at the Centre to survive successfully?In 1989, 1996, and 1997, it was Congress that brought down the governments. That situation is no more there. We should see whether we can recreate 2004 or 2009, which is not unlikely, if Congress crosses the two-digit numbers in the Lok Sabha.
With most regional parties, except the DMK, unwilling to accommodate the Congress, how do you expect the Congress to win enough seats in the Lok Sabha?That’s a difficult question. In a fragmented polity, every political party wants to win as many seats as possible to increase its bargaining power. Regional parties know their limitation in winning seats and want to ensure their significant presence in the post-poll numbers game. It depends on the Congress to win a sizeable number of seats from its strongholds to stake its claim to lead the non-BJP coalition in the post-poll scenario.
The Leftists united the non-Congress, non-BJP forces and became a bridge between the Congress and others. The Leftists are no more in that position. Whom do you expect to play that role now?In terms of numbers, what you say is right. We Leftists had more than 50 MPs in 1989 and 1996. It is not just the numbers, it is also the stature of the Leftists that matters. That way, even now we are the only force to unite all the secular forces in Parliament.
How do you say that you influence the agenda of the nation?Whether it is the struggle of farmers, the struggle against privatisation, the labour laws or the struggles by the youth and students, we are setting the agenda of the people’s issues. Everybody recognises that the Left has a decisive role to play in mobilising the people and voicing their aspirations.
With the TMC and BJP making West Bengal more or less bipolar, is there a possibility for the Left parties to re-merge?It is a difficult task because political polarisation has taken place there apart from communal polarisation. Political polarisation which is taking place in Bengal must be broken. In the local body elections, we Leftists have made a headway.
Sitaram Yechury (70), the General Secretary of the CPM, in a conversation with K. Vaidyanathan, TNIE, speaks on a range of issues that confront the nation, polity, and his party.
Excerpts:
How do you look at the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) quota verdict of the Supreme Court?
There is nothing secret about our stand on the EWS issue. Caste alone should not be the criteria. There should also be an economic criterion attached to it. We tried and implemented it in Kerala. At that time, we were the only party who said this, and we were thoroughly isolated, including within the Left parties. Only the Supreme Court came to our rescue by defining the creamy layer. So they brought in the economic aspect by defining the creamy layer.
What is your feedback about Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra?
It has definitely helped the Congress to strengthen its links with the sections of people. It is also giving some response to them which is good. People can be mobilised in a proper manner. But after that how much of this response actually gets realised through an organisational consolidation is what is important. We will have to wait and see.
What do you make out from the results of the two Assembly elections and the number of by-elections that took place in various states?
The results didn’t surprise me. Wherever there is a considerable Muslim population, the BJP has successfully created a communal narrative to its advantage. In Gujarat, for instance, I see the BJP victory as a consolidation of Hindu votes, which is not a desirable development. In Himachal, where the Muslims are negligible in number, the BJP has not been able to retain power.
After the victory at Mainpuri and Khatauli, will the SP-RLD alliance be willing to accommodate other parties such as the Congress and Leftists?
The problem in Uttar Pradesh is the unwillingness of the non-BJP parties to find a common ground to come together and fight communal forces. It is not just accommodating the Congress and the Leftists by the SP-RLD combine alone that matters. The BSP and other secular forces should also be roped in to take on the BJP. That’s not happening in UP.
Do you expect the Opposition to project a common prime ministerial candidate for 2024?
It is very much unlikely because it is difficult to unite all the non-BJP parties under one umbrella. I agree it’s a disadvantage. But with so many regional forces and some of them considering the Congress their opponent, a common PM candidate may not be possible.
How do you expect an Opposition alliance at the Centre to survive successfully?
In 1989, 1996, and 1997, it was Congress that brought down the governments. That situation is no more there. We should see whether we can recreate 2004 or 2009, which is not unlikely, if Congress crosses the two-digit numbers in the Lok Sabha.
With most regional parties, except the DMK, unwilling to accommodate the Congress, how do you expect the Congress to win enough seats in the Lok Sabha?
That’s a difficult question. In a fragmented polity, every political party wants to win as many seats as possible to increase its bargaining power. Regional parties know their limitation in winning seats and want to ensure their significant presence in the post-poll numbers game. It depends on the Congress to win a sizeable number of seats from its strongholds to stake its claim to lead the non-BJP coalition in the post-poll scenario.
The Leftists united the non-Congress, non-BJP forces and became a bridge between the Congress and others. The Leftists are no more in that position. Whom do you expect to play that role now?
In terms of numbers, what you say is right. We Leftists had more than 50 MPs in 1989 and 1996. It is not just the numbers, it is also the stature of the Leftists that matters. That way, even now we are the only force to unite all the secular forces in Parliament.
How do you say that you influence the agenda of the nation?
Whether it is the struggle of farmers, the struggle against privatisation, the labour laws or the struggles by the youth and students, we are setting the agenda of the people’s issues. Everybody recognises that the Left has a decisive role to play in mobilising the people and voicing their aspirations.
With the TMC and BJP making West Bengal more or less bipolar, is there a possibility for the Left parties to re-merge?
It is a difficult task because political polarisation has taken place there apart from communal polarisation. Political polarisation which is taking place in Bengal must be broken. In the local body elections, we Leftists have made a headway.
